Jul
25
2008
| Is the MILF-GRP MOA the basis for Cha-Cha? Or a Means for Cha-Cha? |
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| Written by Don Loong | ||||||
| Friday, 25 July 2008 | ||||||
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Does the present Bangsamoro Juridical Entity as part of the MOA between the MILF and the Govt require a charter change before the 2010 elections. What if the charter change will not push through? Does this mean that the Bangsamoro Juridical Entity (hereafter referred to as BJE) is hinged entirely on the amendment to the constitution? What then is the binding power of the MOA between the GRP and the MILF ? Is the GRPs giving recognition of juridical entity to the MILF binding? Is it not subject to the interpretation of the Supreme Court as to its constitutionality? Under what law will the GRP be binded? Since the MILF is not considered a subject in International law, then on what basis could the MILF demand its right on MOA so that it would be implemented true to its letter? Up to this time, the Gov’t. and the MNLF still do not agree as regard to the status of the implementation of the 1996 Peace agreement. How do we ensure a non-repeat of this scenario? How do we write a MOA that is free from construction by the government or technicalities of the “constitutional process” thereby rendering it undeliverable at the end of the day? On the binding power of the MOA, I am sure, it must have a provision again which says, "subject to constitutional processes." Therefore, although I hope I am wrong, the agreement is binding only to such an extent as is within the ambit of the powers of the Executive Branch. Ultimately, when the words in the MOA would be implemented, it would be subject to the challenges of constitutionality and resistance from groups who may be affected. In short, I hope that it would not be MOA just like the Tripoli Agreement and the 1996 Peace Agreement, both of which were signed by the executive branch. Both had promising content. Especially the 1996 Peace agreement, I still remember waiting for Prof. Misuari in UP Theater, along with more than a thousand other UP students and UP Faculty for the giving of the “Outstanding UP Alumnus Award” for Misuari’s signing of the "final peace agreement." But was it really worth it? We held an assessment program in UP for the Final Peace Agreement. But up to now, no one could clearly explain what went wrong. From an International hero, fingers are being pointed at Misuari. From all credit being given to Misuari as the leader, now all blame is also given to the leader. For me, I do not give all the blame to the leader. In part, the vehicle on which the leader had to steer to was essentially dysfunctional. Not all the blame could be given to a leadership crises as I think more attention should also be given on the already destroyed political and bureaucratic concept known as ARMM in the first place. What I gathered from written and oral sources these past years was that the good intentions for the 1996 peace agreement was watered down by Lobbyists who had something to lose, be it territory, power, administrative control, or other reasons. Even before the signing of the agreement, the Final Peace Agreement (FPA) was already "tamed" to adjust to the organized and collective lobby of some powerful groups outside ARMM. The Tripoli Agreement on the other hand was easily signed during those years that brought worldwide excitement. However, when the words were to be implemented, it became apparent that it was not as easy. Also, we wanted more than what the Tripoli offered. Yet up until now, we do not know what is it exactly we got. Many are pessimistic that the ARMM as an output of the hundreds of thousands of lives lost in the 70’s did not bring justice to their effort. The same dismayed public opinion is made on the 1996 FPA. Hence, for the BJE, I pray that it will now be different. To do that, we must ask relevant questions aimed to identify the mistakes of the past, the contributors to its failure and to apply that knowledge to the present negotiations. What cannot be denied is that there were serious legal and technical loopholes in the past agreements. How can we ensure that such loopholes and “unconstitutionalities” will not exist in the present BJE MOA? How can we be assured that those idealistic concepts such as ancestral domain would become laws akin with the concept of CARP, whose beneficiaries are selling their lands for lack of follow through support mechanisms to make the intervention sustainable, economically viable and practical? Why do I keep referring to the 1996 FPA? I am just worried about history repeating itself. If the FPA started out as very hopeful and full of substance, only to be reduced to very safe agreement later on, will this not happen to the Bangsamoro Juridical Entity? Knowing that Charter Change will have democratic processes which allows the decision of the majority to win, what assurance do we have that our BJE would actually be incorporated in the new Constitution? Right now, percentage wise, we only comprise 2.5% of the voting power in Congress. The two methods of amending the constitution, being grounded on representation based on legislative districts, would still put the Bangsamoro in a sad less than 3% representation. What can 11(?) Muslim Congressmen do amidst more than 250(+) Congressmen who may not share the same concern or agenda? The reality of the minority Muslims seeking affirmative action in a majority Christian country will prevail. The reality is that the interest of the majority will prevail. However, by the interpretation of some sectors, the BJE will affect some of the interest of some groups allied with the majority. Sometimes, in a group with each representative is thinking about the interest of the legislative district he represents, talking about long term peace may be too far fetched. The majority Christian representatives must approve the BJE. But what assurance do we have that they would approve such, when even just the negotiation for the BJE, even the details of the BJE, are kept in confidential. This is a clear indication that the GRP is worried of a strong political backlash from the politicians coming from the 721 Barangays who may be included in the BJE. Furthermore, even while majority of the population are unaware of the actual areas of the 721 barangays, the politician affected are already organizing themselves into a powerful lobby group and creating alliances with other congressmen, senators and perhaps concom future delegates. Faced with the slowly but surely increasing mammoth of an opposition block that will lobby against the BJE, What assurance do we have that our Milestone agreement with the Philippine government will actually be supported in the Charter Change? Sometimes we are lead complacency that if the President supports our agenda, we will win. We equate the blessing of the President in our ARMM local elections as a sure win in the electoral process. This may be true for elections in ARMM where a picture of the President raising your hand is a sure sign of the Military, the Comelec and the administration allied politicians would also help you. But this is not true for peace agreements unfortunately as was seen in the past. If fact, an Executive agreement is most powerful during the time of President Marcos since he also had legislative powers and significant influence on the courts. Yet, the Tripoli Agreement was still facing impossibility when it met the challenge of “constitutional processes.” What much more during a time when the legislative branch is laden with the opposition? Assuming for the sake of argumentation that the BJE would be made and a plebiscite would be done with the powerful muscle of the President paving the way. Still, as was seen in the plebiscite for the SPCPD, the local politicians who do not share with the concept of the BJE expanding, will do everything they could. The concept of the BJE is great for a Moro. However, the same concept makes a non-Moro shudder with the black propaganda as some organized groups could make to resist. In Zamboanga City for example, the influence of incumbent officials like the Mayor on its population is so strong that even Muslim barangays all voted no to SPCPD. While the resistance groups are moneyed, incumbents and with a well oiled machinery, could we say the same for the group that is pushing for the BJE? For the past three days in Zamboanga City, the headline of the local city newspapers was about Mayor Lobregats’ call for the people of Zamboanga City to denounce the MOA of the GRP with the MILF. Mayor Lobregat had also gotten the assurance of former UP President and former Senate President, Senator Angara. I am sure more and more powerful and organized and moneyed alliances will come out in the next few day. Even just the smell of the MOA is jumpstarting sleeping political giants to a defensive stand. What assurance do we have that our MOA will still be left standing in round two, much more in round nine? Just like what is happening in the US, the Philippines have its diverse lobby groups. Sadly, the Bangsamoro has one of the weakest civil society lobby groups. Personally, I perceive our lobby to be more of the armed pressure strategy which affects and has more effect on the AFP and directly more impact on the President: the executive branch. But the same influence could not be said to have the same effect on the influence of the Bangsamoro to the Legislative branch of government, moreso the Judicial branch. With the decision rendering the unconstitutionality of the Province of SK, it is clear, no armed struggle or argumentation for the best interest of peace, would have weight with the Supreme Court. Furthermore, with Congress significantly dominated with the opposition and legislators from Visayas and Luzon, it is hard to imagine that they would all tow the line for the Presidential order. Even just ensuring that the legislators are not anti-administration is expensive enough. What much more to request them to support a law or a Constitutional amendment specially for the Moro . Even the postponement of the ARMM election is dealt with much resistance, if not apathy. With this premise, I think, the Bangsamoro should have an organized civil society and citizenry lobby group to pressure the Congressmen and future Consti delegates to approve the BJE. Otherwise, we are just having high hopes on something that would easily be watered down, and in the end, there may not be any water even to taste our sweet glory. I beg forgiveness for my seeming pessimism. It is actually my excitement for CHANGE, that I am moved to write, instead of watching Cable TV tonight. I am very happy with the concept of ancestral domain being reached with the government via a MOA. This concept of ancestral domain, is similar to the concept of “native title” in the Supreme Court decision that upheld the Indigenous People’s Rights Act. It is in this jurisprudence that the government found basis to give in to the concept of ancestral domain. But then again, even that same decision of the supreme court was arrived with so much debate and ended up with an almost stalemate vote of the justices. Although it is a milestone in the Philippines that this concept is now allowed, it was made with great hesitance. It may still take a while that brilliant legal luminaries would accept affirmative action to a people, they may not have spent ample time with to understand, much more to care. Worst, many may just be too distracted with what violence or recently, kidnappings, the Moro are associated with and key words such as “traidor” being linked to the Moro groups. Even with the advent of the popular and perhaps soon to be first African American Black President of the US, the regular Black American still experiences discrimination as shown in a CNN documentary this evening. What much more a marginalized Moro. I want to join advocates of the MILF-GRP MOA regarding the Bangsamoro Juridical Entity in their enthusiasm. However, having experienced the same "happiness"during the signing of the FPA, I feel like I am having a deja vu. Why did it take the government years to come to the brink of having an agreement with the MILF? I thought it was because the MILF was asking for something that is not in the power of the Executive Department to give. What is the difference, did that power just come down from heaven? Perhaps, the difference now is that there is political will. Assuming that there is good faith on the part of the government, specifically, the executive branch, will there be a follow through to ensure that the "spirit of the MOA" would be eternalized in the 2009 or 2010 or 2020 Constitution? What is at stake if the executive dept, under the leadership of Pres. Arroyo will not deliver? Why would there be political will when PGMA may not even be the president during that time that the BJE would be legitimized or the president would come from the opposition? If the timeline for the implementation of the BJE is on 2009, will serious effort be given to this, practically speaking? Or will all effort be synergized in the task of securing the presidency by 2010? For the administration, it is a do or die mission as so much is at stake. If President GMA would like to live happily ever after, beyond 2010, she would surely spend 98 percent of her time on ensuring that a friendly and hospitable President will be elected in 2010 when her powerful force field protection of Presidential immunity will be turned off. In a conflict management training in Thailand I learned that a good way to see political and social dynamics would be to ask yourself, Who would benefit? What are the needs? What are the motivations for these efforts? Based on these questions, I wonder what is the motivation for the present administration to push for the BJE, now? Why now? Why all of a sudden? What has it to gain? Will it improve the rating of the President that is currently on its ebb? I think it would not as it is fact aggrupating and aggitating powerful groups to ally and lobby against the MOA and the administration. Is it because of the OIC pressure since Oil is a State Basic need? Is this power like the power that Libya is threatening to cut oil export to Switzerland after the embarrassing arrest of the Presidents’ son? Or is it, as what the news are saying, so that it would pave the way for charter change and a shift to federalism as a form of government? Surely I think it is not for the fact that the MILF is such a great threat at present. A standard operating procedure of the Military, especially those in the upper echelons and trained by International military schools, is that the State must always negotiate in a position of strength. The height of Military strength of the MILF was during the Erap war. Actually, the MILF was already having all the requisites of belligerence considering it had a civil government operating an armed group with a territory, people and its military power was a real threat to a significant portion of the country that It could almost have been a subject of International law which would give it rights and a give a window from where claim for Independence could be made. The Erap advisers saw it coming and launched a total all out war to ensure that those requisites do not exist which may be a basis for it to have rights and identity under International law. That is why, at present, the Government has the upper hand. Should I be convinced that the present movement and expedited peace MOA is due to the benevolence of the government? The state is mandated not to be benevolent to any group except what is for the best interest of the nation and the people. That is perhaps the guiding creed of the National Security Adviser, thereby making the sudden rush non sensible. Could it be then the effectiveness of the new negotiator General Esperon? Although at this point in my writing, I commend Sir General Esperon for having the political will to even get the attention of the President. It may be said that the OPAPP is lucky to have Gen. Esperon since his social and political capital is very strong to have the present negotiation even just be talked about by the President seriously. With the hundreds of issues that must be faced by the President each day, it helps that the issue is advocated by a person regarded significantly by the President. Sometimes I just wonder however, why the sudden rush? What was the sudden pressure that led us to this? If this was a real national security agenda, then this should have been done months ago so as not to give undue anxiety to the present candidates of the ARMM who, according to my friend Samira, may even be spending as much as 20 million for an assembly seat. If the government would postpone the election 4 days before Aug. 11, then we could assume that 60 percent of the budget of these candidates has been spent. We are looking at more than a few billion pesos already spent by more than a hundred candidates. This would really annoy a number of people. These candidates would practically have to spend more than a billion again when the election would be made a year or two from now, since their bribe money to the people had simply expired not to mention donations “to insure promptness” to agents of the government with influence in the elections. However, if the government could accept this and must let the candidates accept this “necessary inconvenience” for peace, I still question, why so sudden. Was this not seen coming? What I am trying to drive at here is that for something such as the BJE not to be seen coming when it had been there staring and shouting at the face of the government for years, there must be an outside agenda that came in that sees the BJE to be in line with national security. I could not think of any more compelling reason other than the mutual need to amend the constitution. It is like to apathetic foes suddenly united with a common enemy, or hurdle. The need to amend the constitution. If we add the other coincidental movements such as Pimentels Federalism proposal, suddenly, the tell tale signs of the jigsaw puzzle is becoming apparent. If the BJE will serve as the rallying point for the Cha Cha that will change our unitary form of government into a federal form, then we must still ask, which came first? Is the BJE the reason for Cha Cha, or is the present governments’ motivation and want to dance Cha cha the motivation for expediting, all of a sudden, the MOA for the BJE? Why is this question important? It is important because if the BJE is just the springboard for the ChaCha, then it is just the key that will open the pandora's box for Constitutional Amendment that may not be limited by the executive branch or any MOA by the executive branch. If that is the case, then what assurance do we have that our dreams as enshrined in the MOA would be realized in words engraved in the constitution? If the BJE is just a means to an end, then in the end, the motive of the government is not purely for the ideal BJE, but to attain its purpose of having a charter change to incorporate its agenda, which may not necessarily include the spirit of the MOA for the BJE. If the BJE MOA, ChaCha and the Federal shift are intertwined, then we must look at the resolution number 10 of Senator Pimentel as currently supported by 15 other senators. The resolution talked of having a Bangsamoro State with powers given similar to those discussed in the MOA. Powers that excludes only foreign affairs, postal, military etc. which simply is a general division of the powers of a federal government and its state. However, even on this resolution, Prof. Misuari proposed a Mindanao Super State. Some other Moro groups are recommending other amendments. Sen. Pimentel said, that the resolution is just a working paper and would still be refined subject to the consultations in the future. The aspects of the resolution that caught my attention were the issues that concern territory, fiscal, natural resources, state-federal power division, international relations in terms of grants/aid and efficiency. The following five points/questions came to my mind: 1. If the Bangsamoro State would be ARMM, how about the other Muslim areas in Mindanao? Perhaps this might be the reason why the BJE is being established prior to the Cha Cha so that the Bangsamoro Federal Government would not just be ARMM but to include other areas. 2. ARMM as mentioned by Suharto Ambolodto in previous emails collects 38 Million a year and depends on the National government for the remaining 2.5 Billion. We are 97 percent dependent on IRA. Considering that Federalism introduces the concept of self sufficiency, could the BJE or Bangsamoro Federal Government leap frog from 97% dependent to 3% dependent overnight, or even in a year? This concept would benefit regions that had been the center of economic development of the nation for the past half a decade like Metro Manila, Cebu, Davao City and perhaps even Zamboanga City. These places collects more taxes than they receive. They also remit a significant portion of their collection to the national government. Thus, Davao City is excited to have a Federal Region so it could keep more of its collection. However, doesn't this concept work in favor of rich regions only who had been unfairly given special attention, economic advantage and legal support it needs. For Davao City for example to be as progressive as it is now, it had Billions upon Billions of foreign grants, loans and priority projects from the national government, and hence, it is economically develops and collects Billions in taxes per year. On the other hand, areas such as in ARMM which receive insignificant major economic infrastructure and investment grants and is toiling in abject poverty with not significant business enterprises save for some “sari-sari” and “isang kahig isang tuka” farmers and fishermen. Would it be fair for these two to, overnight be independent and self sustaining. A solution to this in the proposal is the 100 Billion equalization fund. For, this is just like having an intravenous liquid pumped in to support the ARMM during a Federalism stage if no concrete economic backbone as elaborated by Jeffrey Sachs in his book, “The End of Poverty.” 3. Will the new Bangsamoro Federal State be able to access grants direct from the OIC? How about loan? 4. What assurance do we have that our Bangsamoro Federal State will have improved bureaucracy? At present our Bureaucracy is rendered ineffective by our system of padrino, utang na loob, palakasan, political accommodation, work without pay, 15-30, overloaded bureaucracy that spends 90 percent of its resource on salary and office operation and 9 percent on other perks and 1% for the service to the people. Arguing that all people passes through that stage, I just hope that it would not be too long a stage that young professionals would easily migrate to Manila since it is too hard to agree with the established norms. 5. I would like to imagine what kind of administrative system we would implement with the 721 Barangays scattered all over Mindanao, Palawan and other areas. My point here is that I hope the BJE as a concept would also have its administrative effectiveness in mind especially in terms of delivery of social services. As much as I would like to say more about the Federalism proposal, which may not exactly be the same as the BJE, I don’t have the luxury of time anymore. Perhaps in another inspiring evening. Before I sleep, I would again like to commend those who write their thoughts in this egroup as you had inspired me to write my thoughts too. As always, I beg for your forgiveness if I had written anything that may have been offending as no offense was meant. This goes even to the government and the people I have mentioned here. I am just writing my thoughts as an avid reader of this egroup. As a closing statement, I would like to tell you a story of a group of people who were stranded in the middle of nowhere, in an island that didn’t have enough food, no schools and no much water. One day, a genie was found in a bottle lying on the sandy beach that offered to give them one wish. The people were so ecstatic. They all agreed that they wanted a boat that would let them ride towards the horizon. However, without explaining further what they wanted, the people started fighting on the issue of leadership. Each one kept asserting himself to become the captain of the ship. But others also formed into subgroups and started nominating the head of their subgroups to be the leader. The genie waited from dawn until dusk for the people to tell him what they wanted. The only thing that the genie heard was a boat after which all the time was spent by the people arguing amongst themselves on who should lead the boat. By dawn of the next morning as they woke up from the marathon debates on who should be the captain of the ship, they woke up to see a boat. The genie gave them a wooden boat, locally called a “ basing or lansa”, enough to carry them all, but having only two oars to row the boat. They all got in, however, nobody knows till now where they had gone or they may still be at the place they were in the beginning: in the middle of nowhere. This short story that I just composed spontaneously now elucidates how I characterize what is going on in the Bangsamoro society. From the macro perspective of the national to the regional to the micro perspective on small talks among politicians, family and sometimes even academics. This may even include the general threads in egroups that most time is wasted on the question on who is the best leader and not much time is given to ensure that the legal/organizational/bureaucratic vehicle is seaworthy. The question that is the center of debate is always on “Who” should be the leader? Pls. try to observe even on your small talks, how much time is spent on the topic, who should be the leader of the ARMM, or the Province, or the Municipality? But not much talk or in depth thought is made on how the ARMM could be better. A case in point was during the enactment of RA 9054, when the powers and extent of the ARMM was being made, many sectors, if not all, were just asleep as the law was cunningly crafted and swiftly passed. Not much thought was given to the conceptual phase of the ARMM law, the supposed solution to the almost half a million people who died for the cause of the Moro struggle. Unfortunately, the fierceness of the Moro warrior is not extended to the fierceness in ensuring that the concept of the ARMM law itself was good. The fact that RA 9054 had provisions that was rendered unconstitutional by the Supreme Court shows that not much thought was given on it. Do we expect the non-Moro to actually do the thinking for us? By our inaction, we indirectly allow the organized non-Moro to design ARMM for us. We could excuse ourselves by saying that we were not consulted or we boycott the process, however, the ultimate victims of these would be the people in the ARMM. Why is Japan, in spite of its microscopic size compared the US, have an economy that could go side by side with the worlds riches nations? It is simply because of their concept of total quality design. While the Western planners spend 5 percent effort on design and 85% effort on implementation due to repairs and modifications, the Japanese planners spend 85% on design. Perfecting up to the most minute details and planning from A to Z and A-1 to A-20. As a result, with a perfect design, implementation is smooth and there is not much need for repairs. With this analogy, for the Moro problem, when we are in the crossroads of planning and designing our ARMM or SPCPD or RA 9054 or BJE, sometimes we give only 5 percent effort on it, only to discover later on the unlimited loopholes it had and serious structural flaws. No amount of leadership and management could compensate for such. Even heroes could not do anything if the ship is full of holes or has an engine designed for a jeep placed on a ship. Sadly, when it comes to the legal design, many Moros are apathetic. But when it comes to criticizing the symptoms of those flaws in legal design, we could not stop pointing fingers and centralizing all the blame on the leaders. Although we must admit that leadership is also a problem, but due realization should also be given to the design. I am dwelling on this because we are now in the design stage of the Bangsamoro Juridical Entity. I challenge those master planners behind this to follow the Japanese quality planning method with all possible alternatives and plans a,b,c… considered, not to mentioned the possible oppositions. If the people lost in the island stopped talking first about the divisive question on who should lead and go on to describe the kind of boat that they needed which would actually have been a ship complete with its amenities and communication equipment, then those people may have already arrived, whoever the captain would be. On the other hand, no amount of leadership could compensate for a great flaw in the design. Such is the case of the ARMM. There is just so much conceptual flaw, that no sincere and effort to implement it could really help. Some could argue the flaw would be in the mind of the people themselves. Yet, in systems thinking, of course there would be many factors, yet, in the story I gave, no amount of a good manager, leader, captain, could compensate for the fact that you are leading the people using a small ill designed boat and a dilapidated oar! In conclusion, truly, nothing can stop an idea whose time has come. Perhaps, the idea of the Bangsamoro Juridical Entity has come. However, I enjoin everyone to help, especially our legal luminaries, to ensure that the true intent and spirit of the BJE as we dream it to be, after being signed on paper that may get lost (for even the giant NBN ZTE document with hundreds of pages got lost), that it be legitimized in the Constitution itself. The battles against the Moro was not the greatest injustice made. Indeed, the greatest injustice was eternalized in the 1932 Constitution when suddenly all lands without Spanish torrence titles become property of the State. Further it was the non recognition of Moro rights to land and political and economic justices in the first Constitution in 1932 and carried over to up to the present 1987 constitution that institutionalized injustices and prevents affirmative action. Therefore, the only way to correct these, may not be through wars, it is to incorporate the lost rights via the required “constitutional process” that stalemate peace agreements, which is in the upcoming amendment to the constitution. Meaning, the greatest challenge now is to ensure that the conceptual phase is thought of extensively by the Moro legal luminaries that will outsmart anti-Moro legal luminaries by foreseeing technicalities in interpretation or implementation in the future. Most importantly, this is one of the most important time, when ordinary pro-Moro members of the civil society and individual citizens should join the advocacy by being firstly, aware of the issue, and secondly, supporting the issue to create the civil society component that will drive our issues to a constitutional amendment for the benefit of the next generations. Without thorough concept, extensive legal framework, anticipation of possible technicalities and interpretations and organized civil society advocacy and lobby, the BJE may just be another hyped up 1996 Final Peace Agreement whose implementation would be intensely debated by the government and the MNLF/MILF, whose outcome would not be felt by the ordinary Moro at the end of the day, even after three decades. If there are dozens Moros spending day and night thinking in pursuance of the BJE concept, there will be dozens of thousands of people who would try to scrutinize the BJE concept and water it down. To ensure the success of the BJE, we must stop talking about who should lead; we must forget first about what tribe we belong to; we must forget first about whether we are inclined to the MNLF or the MILF or an opposition to them; we must forget first our political aspirations or worry that this might empower our political opponents; we must forget first that some of our relatives are in the administration or opposition; we must forget first that we are extremely busy with too many other things; we must forget first that we have all the time in the world. Then we must just remember that the window of opportunity is just now, and comes every few decades, perhaps once or twice in a generation, if we do not try solve this Mindanao problem now, we would be bequeathing all these poverty, illiteracy, conflict, neglect and spectre of death to our beloved next generation. Wouldn’t it be great to leave a legacy of a more peaceful Mindanao to our children? If we do not incorporate affirmative action in the proposed Constitutional Amendment now, the next immediate generation may not have the luxury of having another constitutional amendment to mainstream a truly just community for the Moro of next generations. If not our generation who will institutionalize affirmative constitutional reforms while the generation who fought during the 70’s revolution are still alive, then the next generation after us may just passively swim in the sea of apathy or the systemic injustices may just drive them to repeat rough history. Trackback(0)
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